My fellow Americans, Michelle and I have been so touched by all the well-wishes we’ve received over the past few weeks. But tonight it’s my turn to say thanks. Whether we’ve seen eye-to-eye or rarely agreed at all, my conversations with you, the American people – in living rooms and schools; at farms and on factory floors; at diners and on distant military outposts – are what have kept me honest, kept me inspired, and kept me going.
我的美国同胞们，在过去几个星期里，我和Michelle收到了来自各方的祝福表示十分感动。今晚，我该向大家说声谢谢。无论我们是否见过面，也许我们意见不合，和你们谈话，和美国人民谈话——在家里，在学校，在农场，在车间，在餐馆或是遥远的哨所——让我心怀坦诚，备受鼓舞，不断前行。
Every day, I learned from you. You made me a better President, and you made me a better man.
我每天都在向你们学习，是你们让我成为一个更好的总统，成为一个更优秀的人。
I first came to Chicago when I was in my early twenties, still trying to figure out who I was; still searching for a purpose to my life. It was in neighborhoods not far from here where I began working with church groups in the shadows of closed steel mills.
我二十多岁的时候来到芝加哥，那个时候我还在探求我是谁，人生的意义是什么。。就在离此处不远的社区，我开始和教会一道工作，当时正处于钢厂面临关闭的阴影之中。
It was on these streets where I witnessed the power of faith, and the quiet dignity of working people in the face of struggle and loss. I can’t do that. This is where I learned that change only happens when ordinary people get involved, get engaged, and come together to demand it.
就在这些街区，我见证了工人阶级面临困苦和失落时表现出来的信仰的力量和平静的尊严。我不能这样做。在这里我学到，只有普通人参与进来，勠力同心，才能带来改变。
After eight years as your President, I still believe that. And it’s not just my belief. It’s the beating heart of our American idea – our bold experiment in self-government.
做总统八年后，我仍然相信这一点。这不仅是我的信仰，这是美国思想中跳动的心灵，是我们自治的伟大实验。
It’s the conviction that we are all created equal, endowed by our Creator with certain unalienable rights, among them life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.
这是一种信念，我们生来平等，造物主赋予我们不可剥夺的权利，有生命权、自由权和追求幸福的权利。
It’s the insistence that these rights, while self-evident, have never been self-executing; that We, the People, through the instrument of our democracy, can form a more perfect union.
这是一种坚持，这些不证自明的权利从来都不能不劳而获，我们的人民，通过民主这一工具，能够构建更完美的合众国。
This is the great gift our Founders gave us. The freedom to chase our individual dreams through our sweat, toil, and imagination – and the imperative to strive together as well, to achieve a greater good.
这是国父赐予我们的伟大礼物，即通过汗水、劳作和想象力追求个人梦想的自由，以及携手共进、实现天下大同的迫切需要。
For 240 years, our nation’s call to citizenship has given work and purpose to each new generation. It’s what led patriots to choose republic over tyranny, pioneers to trek west, slaves to brave that makeshift railroad to freedom.
240年来，国家对公民的呼唤给予每一代人工作和目标。这促使爱国者们选择了共和而非暴政，让先驱们开拓西部，让奴隶们勇敢地争取自由。
It’s what pulled immigrants and refugees across oceans and the Rio Grande, pushed women to reach for the ballot, powered workers to organize. It’s why GIs gave their lives at Omaha Beach and Iwo Jima; Iraq and Afghanistan – and why men and women from Selma to Stonewall were prepared to give theirs as well.
这吸引了五湖四海以及格兰德河对面的移民和难民，这是鼓励着女性去投票的信念，这是给予工人力量成立组织的信念，这也是美国大兵何以在奥马哈海滩，在硫磺岛，在伊拉克，在阿富汗抛头颅洒热血，从赛尔玛到石墙（同性恋维权的标志性事件）的男男女女何以也准备牺牲自己的生命。
So that’s what we mean when we say America is exceptional.
这就是我们为什么说美国与众不同。
Not that our nation has been flawless from the start, but that we have shown the capacity to change, and make life better for those who follow.
我们的国家并不是一开始就是完美的，而是我们表现出推动变革、让追随我们的人生活更美好的能力。
Yes, our progress has been uneven. The work of democracy has always been hard, contentious and sometimes bloody. For every two steps forward, it often feels we take one step back.
是的，我们的进步并不均衡，民主惟艰，争议重重，甚至流血牺牲。我们前进两步，常会倒退一步。
But the long sweep of America has been defined by forward motion, a constant widening of our founding creed to embrace all, and not just some.
可美国一路走来，不断前进，我们初心不忘，福泽弥远，而非利及少数。
If I had told you eight years ago that America would reverse a great recession, reboot our auto industry, and unleash the longest stretch of job creation in our history… if I had told you that we would open up a new chapter with the Cuban people, shut down Iran’s nuclear weapons program without firing a shot, and take out the mastermind of 9/11… if I had told you that we would win marriage equality, and secure the right to health insurance for another 20 million of our fellow citizens – you might have said our sights were set a little too high.
如果我八年前说美国会逆转大衰退的颓势，重振汽车业，释放历史上最持久的就业增长……如果当时我告诉你们，我们将与古巴人民开启一个新的篇章，不放一枪就废止伊朗核武计划，抓住911的元凶……如果我告诉你我们会争得婚姻平等，确保2000万同胞的健康保险——你可能会说我们的目标有点高。
But that’s what we did. That’s what you did. You were the change. You answered people’s hopes, and because of you, by almost every measure, America is a better, stronger place than it was when we started.
可是我们做到了。这就是你们的成就。你们就是变革本身。你们回应了人们希望，正因为你们，从几乎各方面来说，相比当时，美国都成为一个更美好更强大的地方。
In ten days, the world will witness a hallmark of our democracy: the peaceful transfer of power from one freely-elected president to the next.
十天后，世界将见证我们民主的标志：自由选举总统间的权力和平交接。
I committed to President-Elect Trump that my administration would ensure the smoothest possible transition, just as President Bush did for me. Because it’s up to all of us to make sure our government can help us meet the many challenges we still face.
我向候任总统特朗普承诺，我的政府将确保最平稳的换届，正如当初布什总统把权力交接给我一样。因为，我们每个人首先要保证美国政府未来有能力解决我们现在仍然面临的挑战。
We have what we need to do so. We have everything we need to meet those challenges. After all, we remain the wealthiest, most powerful, and most respected nation on Earth. Our youth and drive, our diversity and openness, our boundless capacity for risk and reinvention mean that the future should be ours.
我们明白该如何做，我们有能力去应对挑战。不管怎么说，我们仍然是地球上最富有、最强大、最受尊敬的国家。我们青春向上，我们宽容开明，我们有无限潜力应对风险，创造生活，未来将是我们的。
But that potential will be realized only if our democracy works. Only if our politics reflects the decency of the our people. Only if all of us, regardless of our party affiliation or particular interest, help restore the sense of common purpose that we so badly need right now.
只有民主奏效时，这种潜力才能得以实现。只有我们的政治反映我们人民的尊严；只有我们所有人，无论党派和利益，找回共同的追求，而我们目前亟待如此。
That’s what I want to focus on tonight – the state of our democracy.
这就是我今晚要说的——我们的民主。
Understand, democracy does not require uniformity.
可以理解，民主不要步调一致。
Our founders quarreled and compromised, and expected us to do the same.
国父争吵不休，相互妥协，也希望我们如此。
But they knew that democracy does require a basic sense of solidarity – the idea that for all our outward differences, we are all into this together; that we rise or fall as one.
但他知道民主需要基本的团结，尽管外面看起来不同，内心是拧在一起的，我们荣辱与共。
There have been moments throughout our history that threatened to rupture that solidarity.
在美国历史中，曾经有过几次内部团结遭到破坏的情况。
The beginning of this century has been one of those times.
本世纪初，美国的社会团结就遭到威胁。
A shrinking world, growing inequality; demographic change and the specter of terrorism – these forces haven’t just tested our security and prosperity, but our democracy as well.
世界在缩小，不平等却在扩大；人口结构发生了变化，恐怖主义阴魂不散，这些力量不仅考验着我们的安全和繁荣，还考验着我们的民主。
And how we meet these challenges to our democracy will determine our ability to educate our kids, and create good jobs, and protect our homeland.
我们如何处理对民主的挑战将决定我们教育子女、创造良好工作和保护家园的能力。
In other words, it will determine our future.
换言之，这决定着我们的未来。
Our democracy won’t work without a sense that everyone has economic opportunity.
如果不是每个人都拥有经济机会，我们的民主就无法运行。
A good news is that, today, the economy is growing again; wages, incomes, home values, and retirement accounts are rising again; poverty is falling again.
今天，经济再次复苏，工资、收入、房产价值和退休账户再次增长，贫困再次下降。
The wealthy are paying a fairer share of taxes even as the stock market shatters records.
尽管股市糟糕透顶，富人纳税比例更加公平。
The unemployment rate is near a ten-year low. The uninsured rate has never, ever been lower.
失业率达十年新低。未保险率从未如此之低。
Health care costs are rising at the slowest rate in fifty years.
医保费用过去五十年间增长最慢。
And if anyone can put together a plan that is demonstrably better than the improvements we’ve made to our health care system – that covers as many people at less cost – I will publicly support it.
如果有人能拼凑出一个计划，明显优于我们推动的医保体系，以更低的价格覆盖更多的人，我会公开支持它。
Because that, after all, is why we serve – to make people’s lives better.
不管怎么说，这就是我们为什么致力大公，让人民生活更好，而不是更糟糕。
But for all the real progress we’ve made, we know it’s not enough.
可尽管我们取得了真正的进步，我知道这还不够。
Our economy doesn’t work as well or grow as fast when a few prosper at the expense of a growing middle class, and ladders for folks who want to get into the midle class.
我们的经济运转和增长还不够快，少数人发财，却以更多的中产阶级为代价。这也包括那些站在梯子上想要加入中产阶级的人。
That’s the economic argument. But stark inequality is also corrosive to our democratic principles.
这是经济方面的原因。可巨大的不平等对我们的民主宗旨也具有破坏性。
While the top one percent has amassed a bigger share of wealth and income, too many families, in inner cities and rural counties, have been left behind – the laid-off factory worker; the waitress and health care worker who struggle to pay the bills – convinced that the game is fixed against them, that their government only serves the interests of the powerful. That’s a recipe for more cynicism and polarization in our politics.
最富有的1%集聚了更多的财富和收入。众多内陆城市和农村的家庭被遗忘，下岗工人、付不起账单的女侍者和医保工作人员，他们相信自己被设计了，他们的政府只为权贵服务，我们的政治更加愤世嫉俗，两极分化。
Now there are no quick fixes to this long-term trend. I agree that our trade should be fair and not just free.
这一长期趋势没有简单的解决办法。我同意贸易应该公平而不只是自由。
But the next wave of economic dislocation won’t come from overseas.
可下一轮经济混乱并不来自海外。
It will come from the relentless pace of automation that makes a lot of good middle-class jobs obsolete.
原因是自动化无情的步伐，让中产阶级的铁饭碗成为明日黄花。
So we’re going to have to forge a new social compact – to guarantee all our kids the education they need; to give workers the power to unionize for better wages; to update the social safety net to reflect the way we live now and make more reforms to the tax code so corporations
因此，我们必须订立新的社会契约，保证所有我们的孩子得到他们应得的教育；让工人有权组织工会争取更好的工资；改善社会安全网络反映我们当下的生活方式，对免税代码做出一些改革，
And individuals who reap the most from the new economy don’t avoid their obligations to the country that’s made their success possible.
让从新经济获益最多的公司和个人不会推脱对国家的义务，正是国家让他们的成功成为可能。
We can argue about how to best achieve these goals. But we can’t be complacent about the goals themselves.
我们可以对如何更好实现这些目标达成一致。但我们不能因为这些目标就感到自满。
For if we don’t create opportunity for all people, the disaffection and division that has stalled our progress will only sharpen in years to come.
如果我们不为所有人创造机会，阻碍进步的背叛和分裂只会更甚。
There’s a second threat to our democracy – one as old as our nation itself. After my election, there was talk of a post-racial America. Such a vision, however well-intended, was never realistic.
我们的民主还有另一种威胁，这种威胁和我们的国家一样悠久。我当选后，有人说美国进入后种族时代，尽管愿望是好的，但是却不太可能真正实现。
For race remains a potent and often divisive force in our society. I’ve lived long enough to know that race relations are better than they were ten, or twenty, or thirty years ago, no matter what some folks say. You can see it not just in statistics, you see it in the attitudes of young Americans across the political spectrum.
目前，种族问题仍然是一个可能造成社会分裂的重大问题。以我长期经历来看，如今美国社会的种族问题比二三十年前有了较大改善，这种社会进步不仅仅体现在统计数字中，也可以从不同政治观念的年轻一代美国人的态度中看出来。
But we’re not where we need to be. All of us have more work to do. If every economic issue is framed as a struggle between a hardworking white middle class and undeserving minorities, then workers of all shades will be left fighting for scraps while the wealthy withdraw further into their private enclaves.
但是，我们的工作还远远没有结束。我们每个人都还有很多工作去做。如果每个经济问题都通过勤劳的美国中产阶级与少数族群之间的冲突来解读，那么各个种族的工人阶级将为一点点蝇头小利争得头破血流，而那些富人会进一步缩进他们自己的小圈子。
If we decline to invest in the children of immigrants, just because they don’t look like us, we diminish the prospects of our own children – because those brown kids will represent a larger share of America’s workforce.
如果我们仅仅因为移民后裔长得不像我们，就拒绝给这些孩子投资，那我们也是在牺牲美国人后代的希望，因为这些移民后裔未来会在美国工薪阶层占很大比例。
And we have shown that our economy doesn’t have to be a zero-sum game. Last year, incomes rose for all races, all age groups, for men and for women.
我们的经济不见得非要成为零和游戏。去年，所有种族、年龄段和性别的收入都得到增长。
Going forward, we need uphold laws against discrimination – in hiring, in housing, in education and the criminal justice system. That’s what our Constitution and highest ideals require. But laws alone won’t be enough. Hearts must change.
未来，我们必须高举反歧视的法律旗帜，在雇佣、住房、教育和司法体制方面推行平等。这是我们的宪法和最高理想的要求。但只有法律还不够，心底必须发生变化。
But if our democracy is to work in this increasingly diverse nation, each one of us must try to heed the advice of one of the great characters in American fiction, Atticus Finch, who said “You never really understand a person until you consider things from his point of view… until you climb into his skin and walk around in it.”
如果民主要在这个日益多元化的国度运转，我们每一个人必须听从美国小说中一个伟大人物阿提克斯·芬奇的话，他说，”你不从别人的角度思考，永远也不会理解别人，你必须钻到他的皮囊里，贯通其中。”
For blacks and other minorities groups, it means tying our own struggles for justice to the challenges that a lot of people in this country face –, that only the refugee, the immigrant, the rural poor, the transgender American, but also the middle-aged white man who from the outside may seem like he’s got all the advantages, but who’s seen his world upended by economic, cultural, and technological change.
对于黑人和其他少数族群而言，这意味着共同奋斗来解决许多美国人面临的问题，这不仅仅包括难民、移民、农村的穷人和变性人，也包括那些看上去享受各种社会优待的中年男性白人，他们也面临经济、文化和科技变革的颠覆性挑战。
For white Americans, it means acknowledging that the effects of slavery and Jim Crow didn’t suddenly vanish in the ‘60s; that when minority groups voice discontent, they’re not just engaging in reverse racism or practicing political correctness; that when they wage peaceful protest, they’re not demanding special treatment, but the equal treatment our Founders promised.
对于美国白人而言，这意味着承认奴隶制的影响，承认黑鬼不是在六十年代就突然消失了。要明白，当少数群体表达不满时，他们不只是反对种族主义或要求政治正确，他们进行和平抗议时，他们不是要求获得优待，而是获得国父们承诺他们的平等待遇。
For native-born Americans, it means reminding ourselves that the stereotypes about immigrants today were said, almost word for word, about the Irish, and Italians, and Poles who there were said”We are gonna destory the foungamental character of America”. And as it turned out. America wasn’t weakened by the presence of these newcomers; they embraced this nation’s creed, and this nation was strengthened.
对于土著美国人而言，这意味着提醒我们自己，今天我们所说的移民以前就是爱尔兰人、意大利人和波兰人，还有哪些，我们将打破美国传统特色的那些话。从结果来看。美国不会被后来者削弱，他们认同这个国家的信条，这个国家就会繁盛。
So regardless of the station we occupy;We all have to try harder; we all have to start with the premise that each of our fellow citizens loves this country just as much as we do; that they value hard work and family like we do; that their children are just as curious and hopeful and worthy of love as our own.
所以不管我们现在处境如何，我们必须更加努力，前提是所有公民都和我们一样爱这个国家，他们也珍视勤劳和家庭，他们的孩子也充满好奇，满怀希望，值得被爱。
that when minority groups voice discontent, they’re not just engaging in reverse racism or practicing political correctness; that when they wage peaceful protest, they’re not demanding special treatment, but the equal treatment our Founders promised.
要明白，当少数群体表达不满时，他们不只是反对种族主义或要求政治正确，他们进行和平抗议时，他们不是要求获得优待，而是获得国父们承诺他们的平等待遇。
For native-born Americans, For native-born Americans, it means reminding ourselves that the stereotypes about immigrants today were said, almost word for word, about the Irish, Italians, and Poles.
对于土著美国人而言，这意味着提醒我们自己，今天我们所说的移民以前就是爱尔兰人、意大利人和波兰人。
Who there were said”We are gonna destroy the foundamental character of America”.
还有那些，我们将打破美国传统特色的那些话。
And as it turns out, America wasn’t weakened by the presence of these newcomers; these newcomers embraced this nation’s creed, and this nation was strengthened.
从结果来看，美国不会被后来者削弱，他们认同这个国家的信条，这个国家就会繁盛。
So regardless of the station we occpuy; We all have to try harder; We all have to start with the premise that each of our fellow citizens loves this country just as much as we do; that they value hard work and family like we do; that their children are just as curious and hopeful and worthy of love as our own.
我们必须更加努力，前提是所有公民都和我们一样爱这个国家，他们也珍视勤劳和家庭，他们的孩子也充满好奇，满怀希望，值得被爱。
None of this is easy to do. For too many of us, it’s become safer to retreat into our own bubbles, whether in our neighborhoods or college campuses or places of worship or especially our social media feeds, surrounded by people who look like us and share the same political outlook and never challenge our assumptions.
所有这一切都并不容易。对我们太多人而言，躲进自己的泡泡中似乎更安全——我们的邻居、大学校园、祈祷的地方还是社交媒体推送，周遭都是看起来像我们的人，都有同样的政治观点，从来也不要有人挑战我们。
The rise of naked partisanship, increasing economic and regional stratification, the splintering of our media into a channel for every taste – all this makes this great sorting seem natural, even inevitable.
赤裸裸的党派斗争，经济和地区日益分化，破碎的媒介只成为适合个人口味的管道——所有这些让各归其类自然而然，甚至不可抗拒。
And increasingly, we become so secure in our bubbles that we start accepting only information, whether true or not, that fits our opinions, instead of basing our opinions on the evidence that’s out there.
可我们在自己的泡泡中呆的越久，我们接受的都是对我们口味的信息，无论真假，而不是以证据支持的观点。
And this trend represents a third threat to our democracy. Politics is a battle of ideas; it’s our democracy desires in the course of a healthy debate, we’ll prioritize different goals, and the different means of reaching them.
这一趋势代表了对民主的第三层威胁。政治是一场观点的较量，在健康的讨论过程中，我们最看重不同的目标以及实现目标的不同手段。
But without some common baseline of facts; without a willingness to admit new information, and concede that your opponent is making a fair point, and that science and reason matter, we’ll keep talking past each other, and we’ll make common ground and compromise impossible.
但是，如果缺少一些社会共识，不愿意去了解新的信息，不愿意去承认对手方的论点合理，也不愿意通过科学论据来理性思考，那么这场辩论中没有人在聆听，双方就不可能产生共识或妥协。
Isn’t that part of what makes politics so dispiriting? How can elected officials rage about deficits when we propose to spend money on preschool for kids, but not when we’re cutting taxes for corporations?
难道这种东西不是让政治变得令人沮丧吗？当选官员怎么能在我们给学前儿童花钱时怒斥赤字，却要求给公司减税呢？
How do we excuse ethical lapses in our own party, but pounce when the other party does the same thing? It’s not just dishonest, this selective sorting of the facts; it’s self-defeating. Because as my mother used to tell me, reality has a way of catching up with you.
我们怎么能容忍自己党派道德沦丧，却对彼党所为大肆攻击呢？这不仅是不诚实的，这是对事实的选择性对待，这将自掘坟墓。因为我母亲常常对我说，出来混总是要还的。
Take the challenge of climate change. In just eight years, we’ve halved our dependence on foreign oil, we doubled our renewable energy, we led the world to an agreement that has the promise to save this planet.
说说气候变化。不足八年间，我们对外国石油的依赖减半，可再生能源翻倍，我们领导世界达成协议，承诺拯救这个行星。
But without bolder action, our children won’t have time to debate the existence of climate change; they’ll be busy dealing with its effects: more environmental disasters, more economic disruptions, and waves of climate refugees seeking sanctuary.
但若非采取更勇敢的行动，我们的孩子就没时间讨论气候变化存在与否了；他们只能奔波于应对后果：环境灾难、经济破坏、气候难民潮。
Now, we can and should argue about the best approach to the solve problem.
现在，我们可以也应该争取这一问题的最好解决办法。
But to simply deny the problem not only betrays future generations; it betrays the essential spirit of this country, the essential spirit of innovation and practical problem-solving that guided our Founders.
但干脆否认问题的存在是对子孙的背叛。这背叛了创新的基本精神，背叛了指引我们国父解决问题的实用态度。
It’s that spirit, born of the Enlightenment, that made us an economic powerhouse – the spirit that took flight at Kitty Hawk and Cape Canaveral; the spirit that that cures disease and put a computer in every pocket.
正是这种源于启蒙运动的精神，让我们成为经济强国，这种精神在小鹰号航母和卡纳维拉尔角空军基地起飞，这种精神治愈了疾病，让计算机装进每个人的口袋。
It’s that spirit – a faith in reason, and enterprise, and the primacy of right over might, that allowed us to resist the lure of fascism and tyranny during the Great Depression, and build a post-World War II order with other democracies, an order based not just on military power or national affiliations but built on principles – the rule of law, human rights, freedoms of religion, speech, assembly, and an independent press.
正是这种精神——对理智和奋进的信仰，相信权利大于实力——让我们在大衰退中抵御了法西斯主义和暴政的诱惑，和其他民主国家一道构建二战后秩序，这一秩序不仅基于军事实力或民族归属，还基于原则，这些原则是法治、人权、宗教自由、言论自由、集会自由和新闻自由。
That order is now being challenged – first by violent fanatics who claim to speak for Islam; more recently by autocrats in foreign capitals who see free markets, open democracies, and civil society itself as a threat to their power.
这种秩序正在遭遇挑战，首先是自称代表伊斯兰的暴力极端者 ，最近还有把自由市场、开放民主和公民社会本身视作他们权力威胁的外国独裁者。
The peril each poses to our democracy is more far-reaching than a car bomb or a missile.
对我们民主的危险彼一个汽车炸弹或一枚导弹的影响更深远。
It represents the fear of change; the fear of people who look or speak or pray differently; a contempt for the rule of law that holds leaders accountable; an intolerance of dissent and free thought; a belief that the sword or the gun or the bomb or propaganda machine is the ultimate arbiter of what’s true and what’s right.
那代表着对变革的恐惧；代表着对那些看起来不同、观点不同、信仰不同的人的恐惧；代表着对让领导者担责的法治的蔑视，代表着对不同政见和自由思想不能容忍；代表着认为剑、枪、炸弹或宣传机器就是真理和正义的最终仲裁者。
Because of the extraordinary courage of our men and women in uniform, Because of the intelligence officers, law enforcement, and diplomats who support our troops.
正是因为穿军装的男男女女、情报人员、执法人员和外交人员的非凡勇气。
Because of the extraordinary courage of our men and women in uniform, because of our intelligence officers, law enforcement, and diplomats who support our troops, no foreign terrorist organization has successfully planned and executed an attack on our homeland these past eight years; and although Boston and Orlando, San Bernadino and Fort Hood remind us of how dangerous radicalization can be, our law enforcement agencies are more effective and vigilant than ever.
正是因为穿军装的男男女女、情报人员、执法人员和外交人员的非凡勇气，过去八年中，没有任何一个境外恐怖主义组织成功地在美国本土上计划并执行一次恐怖袭击。尽管波士顿和奥兰多，圣贝纳迪诺和胡德堡的陆军基地提醒我们，极端主义多么危险，我们的执法机关比以往任何时候都更加高效和警惕。
We’ve taken out tens of thousands of terrorists – including Osama bin Laden.
我们铲除了数万名恐怖分子，其中包括本·拉登。
The global coalition we’re leading against ISIL has taken out their leaders, and taken away about half their territory.
我们领导打击伊斯兰国的全球联盟，铲除了他们的领导人，收复半数国土。
ISIL will be destroyed, and no one who threatens America will ever be safe. And all who serve, or have served, it has been the honor of my lifetime to be your Commander-in-Chief. And we all owe you a deep debt of gratitude.
伊斯兰国必将灭亡，对美国造成威胁的任何人都永远不得安宁。对所有为祖国效力的人们而言，成为你们的总司令是我一生的荣耀。我们欠你们一份巨大的人情。
But protecting our way of life, that’s not just de job of our military. Democracy can buckle when we give in to fear. So just as we, as citizens, must remain vigilant against external aggression, we must guard against a weakening of the values that make us who we are.
但保护我们的生活方式不仅仅是军队的任务。我们向恐惧低头，民主就会屈服。只有我们每个公民必须准备起来应对外来侵略，必须防范让我们所是的价值被弱化。
That’s why, for the past eight years, I’ve worked to put the fight against terrorism on a firm legal footing. That’s why we’ve ended torture, worked to close Gitmo, and reform our laws governing surveillance to protect privacy and civil liberties.
这就是为何过去八年中，我选择依靠法制来打击恐怖主义；这也是为何我取缔酷刑，致力于关闭关塔那摩，改革监听法律保护隐私和公民自由。
That’s why I reject discrimination against Muslim Americans, who are just as patriotic as we are.
这就是我为何拒绝其实美国穆斯林，他们和我们一样热爱祖国。
That’s why we cannot withdraw from global fights, to expand democracy, and human rights, women’s rights, and LGBT rights, no matter how imperfect our efforts, no matter how expedient ignoring such values may seem. That’s part of defending America.
为何我们不能从全球事业中撤退，这些事业包括推动民主、人权、妇女权利和同性恋权利，不论我们的努力有多少缺点，不论无视这些价值有多么貌似有利。那是保卫美国的一部分。
For the fight against extremism and intolerance and sectarianism are of a piece with the fight against authoritarianism and nationalist aggression. If the scope of freedom and respect for the rule of law shrinks around the world, the likelihood of war within and between nations increases, and our own freedoms will eventually be threatened.
反对极端主义、偏狭、宗派主义就等于反对独裁和民族入侵。如果自由的广度和对法治的尊崇在全世界收缩，国家内部和国家间战争的可能性增加，我们的自由也最终会受到威胁。
So let’s be vigilant, but not afraid. ISIL will try to kill innocent people. But they cannot defeat America unless we betray our Constitution and our principles in the fight.
我们准备起来，但不要担忧。伊斯兰国要屠戮无辜的人民。他们却无法打败美国，除非在斗争中我们背弃了宪法和我们的准则。
Rivals like Russia or China cannot match our influence around the world, unless we give up what we stand for, and turn ourselves into just another big country that bullies smaller neighbors.
俄罗斯或中国这样的对手不会有我们这样的世界影响力，除非我们放弃我们所代表的，把我们混同于以大欺小的强权。
Which brings me to my final point – our democracy is threatened whenever we take it for granted.
这就是我最后要说的——无论何时，我们以为民主理所当然，民主就受到了威胁。
All of us, regardless of party, should throw ourselves into the task of rebuilding our democratic institutions.
我们所有人，无论什么党派，都要致力于重建民主建构。
When voting rates in America are some of the lowest among advanced democracies, we should make it easier, not harder, to vote.
既然先进民主国家中，我们的投票率是最低的，我们应该让投票更加容易，而不是更加困难。
When trust in our institutions is low, we should reduce the corrosive influence of money in our politics, and insist on the principles of transparency and ethics in public service.
既然对体制的信任不高，我们应该降低金钱对政治的腐蚀性影响，坚持公务员系统内的透明和伦理准则。
When Congress is dysfunctional, we should draw our districts to encourage politicians to cater to common sense and not rigid extremes.
既然国会运转不周，我们应该让选取鼓励政客回归常识，不要诉诸极端。
My fellow Americans, it has been the honor of my life to serve you.
我的美国同胞，为你们服务是我一生荣耀。
I won’t stop; in fact, I will be right there with you, as a citizen,
我不会停歇，事实上，作为公民，
for all my days that remain.
我的余生将与你们同在。
For now, whether you’re young or young at heart,
现在，无论你真的年轻或心里年轻，
I do have one final ask of you as your President – the same thing I asked when you took a chance on me eight years ago.
作为总统，我要求你们做最后一件事，和八年前你们选择我之时一样。
I am asking you to believe.
我要求你们去相信。
Not in my ability to bring about change – but in yours.
不是相信我能带来什么改变，而是你们自己的能力。
I am asking you to hold fast to that faith written into our founding documents;
我要求你们坚守信仰，不忘初心，
that idea whispered by slaves and abolitionists;
坚守奴隶和废奴者们小声交流的平等主张，
that spirit sung by immigrants and homesteaders and those who marched for justice;
坚守移民、自耕农和为正义奔走之人歌颂的不拔精神，
that creed reaffirmed by those who planted flags from foreign battlefields to the surface of the moon;
坚守把旗帜插在外国战场和月球表面的人恪守的信条，
a creed at the core of every American whose story is not yet written:
坚守每一个默默无闻的美国人最核心的信念。
Yes We Can.
是的，我们能行。
Yes We Did.
是的，我们做到了。
Yes We Can.
是的，我们能行。
Thank you. God bless you. And may God continue to bless the United States of America.
谢谢。上帝保佑你们。愿上帝继续保佑美利坚合众国。